By Senators Cramer, King, Rounds, Manchin, Daines, Smith, Barrasso, Tester, and Enzi "Agriculture is the economic engine for many communities in the Midwest, North East, and across the Upper Great Plains. Our agricultural producers play a critical role in feeding and fueling our nation, and also in our national security strategy. When we can produce affordable, nutritious food here at home, we don't have to rely on other countries to obtain it. Unfortunately, the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic is exposing several vulnerabilities to our nation's food supply chain. "Today, around 80 percent of the nation's beef is processed by only four meat packing companies, two of which are foreign owned. In the last few weeks, several of their processing facilities have closed because of COVID-19 outbreaks among their workforce. This highlights a chokepoint in our food supply chain. With fewer processing plants available to accept livestock, our farmers and ranchers have fewer outlets for their product. At the same time, American consumers are seeing shortages of beef, pork and poultry at the grocery store. "As we look to enhance additional markets for producers and consumers, one is immediately available. The New Markets for State-Inspected Meat and Poultry Act is a bipartisan bill which would allow meat and poultry products inspected by state Meat and Poultry Inspection (MPI) programs to be sold across state lines. Senators Rounds (R-S.D.) and King (I-Maine) led a bipartisan group of senators to introduce this legislation last year, and now we are urging our congressional leaders to include it in any future economic recovery measures. "This commonsense legislation would allow meat and poultry products that have been inspected by a Food Safety Inspection Service (FSIS)-approved state MPI program to be sold across state lines. Right now, there are 27 states with inspection programs certified by FSIS that meet or exceed federal inspection standards. However, only six states are allowed to sell their state- inspected meat and poultry across state lines. "Under federal regulations, state MPI standards must be "at least equal to" federal meat and poultry inspection programs. For example, in South Dakota, state-inspected meat products such as beef and pork are limited to markets within South Dakota, despite being subject to inspections equal to or exceeding federal inspection standards. "This bill would level the playing field for producers of meat and poultry products while maintaining the highest quality standards for consumers. Since the state inspection standards are required by law to be equal to or better than the federal inspection standards, it makes sense to allow products that pass state inspection protocols to be sold across state lines. This legislation will create new markets for producers and processers, give consumers more choices at the grocery store, and continue to maintain the high quality and safety standards necessary to keep consumers healthy. "Farmers and ranchers in South Dakota, Maine, North Dakota, Iowa, Montana, West Virginia, Wyoming, Minnesota, and across the country consistently produce some of the highest-quality products in the world. This legislation opens up new markets for farmers and ranchers and will promote a more competitive meat and poultry processing environment. It will give smaller, state inspected meat and poultry processing facilities the opportunity to compete in markets throughout the United States. "As Congress continues debating ways to provide economic relief while bolstering our nation's supply chains, we will be seeking to get commonsense ideas such as this included in any potential legislation."

The COVID-19 pandemic, tanking markets and prompting fears of recession, has blindsided the 2020 campaign season, imperiling President Trump’s reelection. But Senate Republicans working to keep their majority in November are eyeing a different threat -- former Vice President Joe Biden’s sudden revival in the Democratic primary race. Biden, a doubted and dismissed phoenix rocketing out of the ash pile, went from left-for-dead to presumptive nominee in an unprecedented 11-day sweep. Just before the South Carolina primary Republicans had already begun celebrating the hoped-for nomination of Sen. Bernie Sanders -- and according to all the polls, Democratic voters were poised to help them. With Sanders as the nominee, House Republicans could hope to take the majority back, and Senate Republicans could preserve their majority, and maybe even grow it. Yet the furious resuscitation of Biden’s political fortunes has not only positioned his party more strongly against Trump in the general election, but suddenly scrambled the Senate map. Four Republicans up for reelection are now officially behind their challengers (or their most likely challengers) by four percentage points or more. And Biden’s numbers against an incumbent Trump show he is stronger than Hillary Clinton ever was in 2016 against the insurgent outsider most Americans expected would lose. More important than his wins against Sanders have been the underlying numbers behind Biden’s success this past week. In a majority of the primaries, he is winning a broad and deep coalition that threatens Republicans’ ability to hold the Senate and the White House. With black voters, suburban voters, white voters without a college degree,  white voters with a college degree, union and non-union, Republicans and independents, Biden’s breadth of support is remarkable.  In just days, Republicans went from feeling bullish about preserving their majority in the upper chamber to suddenly staring at potential losses across the board in stark relief. Only Sen. Lindsey Graham was willing to be blunt, saying while he thought Trump still had the edge, Biden would be “tough to beat.”  The most vulnerable GOP incumbent is Sen. Cory Gardner of Colorado, who has run consistently behind John Hickenlooper in polling since the former governor announced a run against him. Another contender in this year’s Democratic primary who had refused a Senate bid but changed his mind when Biden surged is Montana Gov. Steve Bullock. He won his red-state race in 2016 when Trump did as well, and will now challenge Sen. Steve Daines. And for the most bipartisan member of the U.S. Senate, this cycle started out well but has turned into the fight of Susan Collins’ life. A Public Policy Poll in Maine a year ago showed her with the edge over her likely opponent, 51%-33%, but she is now behind the Democrat there, 47%-43%. Collins’ approval rating is down among Maine voters, who chose Clinton over Trump in 2016 by 57%-33%. (Though her approval with Trump voters rose after impeachment to 59%-26%.)  A new PPP survey shows Arizona Sen. Martha McSally behind Mark Kelly, 47%-42%, which hasn’t budged much from her standing in PPP’s January survey when Kelly was besting her 46%-42%. The poll shows poor approve/disapprove (37%-46%) numbers for McSally, who lost her Senate race in 2018 against Kyrsten Sinema but was then appointed to the late Sen. John McCain’s seat. Independents in that poll chose Kelly, 50%-29%. In the new OH Predictive Insights poll, Kelly is ahead by 49%-42% with 8% undecided and independents favoring him, 58%-29%.  Trump is unpopular in Arizona, a state he needs to hold this fall, and Maine, which he lost in 2016 by only three percentage points. Trump's approval in Maine is 42%-56% and in Arizona it's 45%-51%.  In North Carolina, Democrats secured their preferred nominee when last week Cal Cunningham beat out a more progressive candidate Republicans were spending money to help nominate. Cunningham already leads incumbent Thom Tillis by 48%-43% in an NBC-Marist poll.  Biden leads Trump in polling in all three of these swing states -- Arizona, North Carolina and Maine.  In addition to the four most embattled senators, other campaigns will tax the time and money of the GOP in races that favor Republicans but Democrats could win in a wave election. In Iowa, Sen. Joni Ernst has seen her approval drop 10 points in the last year, when she was at 57%-47%. While 41% of voters, according to the Des Moines Register/Mediacom Iowa poll, said they would definitely vote to reelect her, 31% said they would definitely not. Though the Hawkeye State is seen as more reliably Republican than a battleground, headwinds there for Ernst will require the GOP to invest heavily in a state President Obama won twice. In Georgia, Biden will attempt to turn out the coalition that has made him the presumptive nominee -- suburban moderates alienated from the GOP along with African Americans and non-college white moderates. In large numbers that group would imperil two Republican U.S. Senate seats there. This year, as Georgia has continued to grow more purple, not only is Trump ally Sen. David Perdue running for reelection, but Sen. Kelly Loeffler, appointed to the seat of former Sen. Johnny Isakson (who retired for health reasons), must run in a special election this November as well.  Texas will see an energized Democratic electorate as the party increased its turnout there in 2018 by more than 100% and Sen. Ted Cruz won by only 2.6 percentage points. The Texas GOP is trying to register 1 million new voters and is urging donors who have long sent their money around the country to please keep it in the Lonestar State. While Cruz said he believes Trump and John Cornyn will win Texas, he admitted “it will be hotly contested.”  Even in Kansas, Republicans will also be spending money they don't want to. Barbara Bollier, who was a Republican until a year ago, has a much better chance of beating Kris Kobach should he win the GOP nomination now that Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has declined to run. Kobach lost his gubernatorial run in 2018 to Democrat Laura Kelly, who will be able to help Bollier’s campaign. While it isn’t likely Kansas will turn blue, precious resources will have to be deployed there.  The other unique liability Republicans contemplate -- but never discuss -- is the potential that Trump cannot help them at all, even in states and districts where he wins. Tim Carney, a conservative writer for the Washington Examiner, wrote in November 2019 that Trump drags down Republicans “like an anchor” because he makes Trump voters (but not Republicans) out of working-class independents and Democrats but makes Democratic voters out of Republicans and independents. Added to the mix is high Democratic motivation and turnout, which has left Republicans losing elections in 2017, 2018 and 2019 in states across the country, including red ones like Kentucky and Kansas. If voters, who still see Trump as the opposite of the establishment, turn out for the president -- but not Tillis -- this fall in North Carolina, Tillis loses. This is because the voters someone like Tillis needs to count on are gone. “While Trump didn’t bring working class white-America into the GOP, he has caused a partisan realignment elsewhere: driving upper-middle class white America out of the GOP,” wrote Carney.  But Republicans are stuck with Trump. Stray and lose the base, or stay and fear the low ceiling as former Republicans stay home or vote Democratic. Currently, GOP senators are not only tied to him but most of their approval numbers are stuck in the low 40s, as are the president’s. And the answer to the coattails question will decide the Senate majority in November.  To mitigate against losses, Republicans are hoping Sen. Doug Jones will surrender his Senate seat in Alabama -- very likely -- and that John James can topple Sen. Gary Peters in Michigan. Biden’s performance in Tuesday’s primary is good news for Peters, not James. Voters in reliably Republican Livingston County, outside of Detroit, turned out in droves for Biden Tuesday, worrying Republicans who see Biden assembling the same coalition that elected Democrat Rep. Elissa Slotkin to that district in 2018 in a suburban-fueled wave. Trump had won the county by 30 points in 2016 but turnout increased there by more than 50% this week. And the day before Michigan voted, the Republican mayor of the all-important Macomb County -- home of the “Reagan Democrats” whom Obama and then Trump won -- announced that though he voted for Trump in 2016 he was now supporting Biden.  Collectively there are headwinds facing all Senate GOP incumbents, from the coronavirus to the impeachment trial Senate Republicans held without witnesses. It was an audacious gambit for Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, who knew a sham trial -- in defiance of between 65% and 75% of the public wanting witnesses -- could cost Republicans their majority. Besides Collins’ vote in favor of witnesses, none of the vulnerable Republicans inoculated themselves with support of censure or even statements criticizing the president's conduct. Diagnosing Biden with dementia, or investigating his son Hunter, may not be enough to stop the bleeding.  This week a Quinnipiac poll comparing Biden to Trump showed why Republicans prayed for Sanders. On the question of who could better handle a crisis, Biden beat Trump, 56%-40%. On the question of whether they are honest, Biden beat Trump, 51%-33%. On the question of who cares for average Americans, Biden beat Trump, 59%-43%.  Biden’s appeal to a wide range of voters, who are turning out in surprisingly high numbers, shows voters are afraid of a second term of Trump. Republicans hoped Sanders the socialist would be scarier. Biden has problems as a candidate, and he may not win. But right now the only people Joe Biden scares are Republican incumbents. Source: https://www.realclearpolitics.com/

HELENA, Mont. (AP) — Montana Gov. Steve Bullock will file Monday to run against first-term Republican Sen. Steve Daines, giving Democrats a boost in their effort to take control of the Senate in November. Bullock’s decision to run is an abrupt about-face made at the last minute for the two-term governor, who ended his long-shot bid for president in December and had repeatedly insisted he had no interest in running for the Senate. “After hearing from Montanans and talking to Lisa and our kids, we decided now is no time to be on the sidelines, and that’s why I’m running so we can make Washington work more like Montana,” Bullock said, referencing his wife, in a statement announcing his candidacy. Bullock had come under increasing pressure since dropping his presidential bid, including meeting with former President Barack Obama in Washington and with Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer. Schumer, of New York, recently traveled to Montana to meet with Bullock, who reportedly weighed the matter with his family over the weekend before making his decision. Democrats need to win four seats that are now held by Republicans, without losing any that they are defending, to win outright control of the Senate. If President Donald Trump is defeated, the Democrats would need a net gain of three seats and the vice-president’s tie-breaking vote for control. Bullock planned to walk across the hall from his office in the state Capitol to file his paperwork on Monday, the final day for candidates to register in Montana, senior adviser Matt McKenna said. A campaign ad released Monday said Bullock wants to “make Washington work like Montana” and touted the state’s low unemployment and expanding economy during his tenure as governor. The ad also highlighted legislative achievements, such as Medicaid expansion and revising the state’s campaign finance laws to increase reporting requirements by political committees. Bullock is running for the seat formerly held by Democrat Max Baucus. Baucus, the former U.S. ambassador to China, said the meeting of Schumer, Bullock and their wives was key to the decision, but he did not know the substance of those talks. But Bullock told Lee Newspapers of Montana on Sunday that Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell “probably served as more of a motivation to me than Chuck Schumer or anybody else.” Baucus also said it “probably helped” that former Vice President Joe Biden has surged in the Democratic presidential primary race, making it less likely that self-described democratic socialist Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders will lead the ticket in the strongly pro-Trump state. Bullock becomes the most prominent candidate in the Democratic primary race, which also includes public health expert Cora Neumann and Helena Mayor Wilmot Collins. Daines has the backing of Trump, for whom the state overwhelmingly voted in 2016. Trump has tweeted his support for Daines, who recently met with the Republican president at the White House. Daines’ campaign manager, Shane Scanlon, did not directly respond to Bullock’s decision in a comment to The Associated Press. “We’re going to win this race because Steve Daines is always on Montana’s side fighting for more high-paying jobs, against big government and defending Montanans’ way of life,” Scanlon said. As Bullock frequently pointed out during his presidential campaign, Bullock was the only Democratic governor to win reelection in a state Trump won in 2016. Trump also traveled to Montana four times to campaign against incumbent Democratic Sen. Jon Tester in the 2018 election, but Tester won, anyway. Republicans started the campaign against Bullock last week by saying he caved to party leaders to run for a job he doesn’t want. “Gov. Bullock isn’t actually interested nor would he find it compelling or enjoy being a U.S. Senator — he said so himself, he simply couldn’t resist the pressure from Barack Obama and Chuck Schumer,” Montana Republican Party Chairman Don Kaltschmidt said in a statement released then. ___ Associated Press writer Alan Fram in Washington contributed to this report.Source: https://www.realclearpolitics.com/